PRJ Vol. 17 Issue 1 Article 3

Abstract

Interviews with 18 racially diverse women explored the phenomena of aging and ageism in the public relations and journalism professions. Regardless of industry and organizational settings, participants reported ageism in job searches, hiring practices, employment status, and career progressions. Women were forced to hide their age and prove their ability to perform, even though many felt their competence improved with age. Public relations practitioners and journalists who assumed caregiving responsibilities for parents encountered career setbacks. Women of color may have experienced more ageism than racism as they were getting older. This study gives voice to seasoned U.S. public relations practitioners and their colleagues in news media, advocates for improved professional standing of older women communicators, and calls for further investigation of ageism in the workplace.

Keywords: aging, ageism, gendered ageism, intersectionality, journalism, public relations, race-related ageism

Introduction

This study adopted the feminist theoretical framework and qualitative methodology to explore women communicators’ professional experiences and perceptions of aging and ageism in the United States. One of the authors’ own industry experiences inspired this inquiry into age biases in the public relations and journalism professions. This author’s perspectives were both amplified and challenged by the wealth of data collected from 18 diverse practitioners over the age of 50 whose expertise spanned several decades in radio and television broadcasting, print and digital journalism, strategic communications, and public relations.

Practitioners’ stories increased visibility of a community of older women of all races who felt they bear the brunt of age discrimination and encounter ageism in various aspects of their careers including job searches, employment status, and career progression. These findings echo trade publications, which documented the youth bias in public relations, news media and other communication industries (Daniels, 2020, October 23; Global Women in PR, 2023, February, 9; Gottfried et al., 2022, June 14; Marcus, 2021, September 20; Monllos, 2019, September 27; Pasquarelli, 2018, November 19; Pathak, 2016, August 1; Pawkinska Sims, 2023, February 3; The American Journalist, 2022; Twyning, 2019, October 21). Agency employees with more than 15 years of experience reported age discrimination (Monllos, 2019). Women with more than 20 years of experience constitute less than one-third of all journalists and are less likely than men to think that their news organizations treat employees fairly based on gender (Gottfried et al., 2022; The American Journalist, 2022).  

Previous research discussed instances of gender discrimination in communication industries (Aldoory & Toth, 2021; Aldoory et al., 2008; Creedon & Cramer, 2007; Wackwitz & Rakow, 2007). Race and ethnicity were found to exacerbate gender-related inequalities (Dates, 2007; Meyers & Gayle, 2015; Pompper, 2007, 2012; Rakow & Nastasia, 2018; Tindall, 2009). While age was mentioned as a possible factor contributing to gender inequalities, little research has been published focusing on ageism in public relations (Aldoory & Toth, 2021). Studies have documented that journalists tend to leave their profession and enter public relations (DeLorne & Fedler, 2003; Elmore, 2009). Although age was cited as one of the reasons of industry switch by female television journalists, there is little evidence that these women were spared of age biases since entering the public relations industry (Brock et al., 2018; Finneman & Jenkins, 2018). As the literature review will show, experiences of older communication practitioners are underrepresented and the phenomena of aging and ageism, as well as the intersectionality of age, gender and race, remain to be explored further, making this study timely (Aldoory & Toth, 2021; Calasanti & King, 2015; Collins et al., 2017; Creedon & Cramer, 2007; Nussbaum & Coupland, 2004; Vardeman-Winter & Place, 2017).

Literature Review

Ageism and Intersectionality of Gender, Race, and Age in Mass Communication

As more women and minorities entered various communication professions, advances were made in breaking through the glass ceiling (Dozier et al., 2019; Creedon & Cramer, 2007). Nevertheless, disparities between communication practitioners of different genders, races, and ethnicities persist and the hierarchical male value system continues to dominate organizational cultures (Aldoory & Toth, 2021; Bradley, 2005; Creedon & Cramer, 2007; Dozier et al., 2019; Elmore, 2009; Finnman & Jenkins, 2000; Golombisky, 2015; Grunig et al, 2001; Kitch, 2015; Rakow & Nastasia, 2018; Wackwitz & Rakow, 2007; Place & Vardeman-Winter, 2017). Gender pay gap persists in the public relations industry as women who assume managerial roles do not enjoy income equity (Dozier et al., 2019). By and large, women are underrepresented in the leadership positions in both public relations and journalism (Kitch, 2015; Place & Vardeman-Winter, 2017). Organizational barriers for advancement and lack of work-life balance result in women journalists switching to the public relations industry and some women public relations practitioners starting their own agencies (Bradley, 2005; DeLorne & Fedler, 2003; Elmore, 2009; Toth & Cline, 2007).

Women minorities encounter additional barriers to career progressions in communication (Dates, 2007; Pompper, 2007; Somani & Hopkinson, 2019; Tindall, 2009; Vardeman-Winters & Place, 2017; Wilson et al., 2013). The pay gap and pigeonholing affect minority public relations practitioners more than their white counterparts (Grunig et al., 2001; Tindall, 2009). Whereas the journalism workforce is becoming more diverse, the public relations industry lacks diversity (Vardeman-Winters & Place, 2017; Wilson et al., 2013). At the same time, both minority journalists and public relations practitioners continue being stereotyped and measured against the benchmark of whiteness (Edwards, 2012; Meyers & Gayle, 2015; Somani & Hopkinson, 2019).

Social science researchers introduced the concept of intersectionality to emphasize that people who belong to two or more social categories such as race and gender suffer discrimination in unique ways and experience a compounding effect of gendered racism (Bourabain, 2020; Crenshaw, 1989; Kalev, 2014). Age is another aspect of identity that exacerbates intersectionality (Calasanti & King, 2015; Calasanti, et al., 2006). People’s perception of aging varies depending on their gender, race, class, and sexuality (Calasanti & King, 2015). Modern societies subject women to a “double standard of aging” (Sontag, 1972, p. 102), women become invisible (Calasnti et al., 2006), and resort to anti-aging products to maintain their youthful appearances (Smirnova, 2012). Age heightens gender-related inequalities in the workplace as gendered ageism creates barriers in terms of finding employment and advancing in women’s careers (Itzin & Phillipson, 1995). Moreover, the intersectionality of gender, race and age leads to downward mobility, unfair treatment, and lower career satisfaction (Collins et al., 2017; Wilson & Roscigno, 2018).

Amid the recognition that more diverse voices ought to be heard (Kopenhaver & Abreu, 2018; Global Women in PR, 2023, February 9; Institute for Public Relations, November 2021; Tenderich, 2023), little mass communication research examined the concepts of aging, ageism and intersectionality of gender, race and age (Aldoory & Toth, 2021). The concept of age was addressed in the public relations literature only from the perspective of younger female practitioners being prevented from climbing the career ladder (Grunig et al., 2001). Aldoory and Toth (2021) argued, “In public relations, LGBTQ, disability, and age are neglected intersected identities” (p. 31).

Age and Ageism in Interpersonal and Organizational Communication

In response to the current demographic trends, communication scholars have explored the concepts of age and ageism from the interpersonal, health and organizational perspectives (Nussbaum & Coupland, 2004). Bergstrom and Holmes (2004) urged communication scholars to focus on an older workforce. Citing Stagner (1985 in Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004), they noted that age discrimination is prevalent in hiring and retirement practices, and careers progressions. Age discrimination stems from a pervasive perception of older employees as less productive and unable to learn, retain, and change (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004). “Discrimination against older workers continues despite the clear evidence that they consistently perform at high levels on key areas of appraisal,” argued Bergstrom and Holmes (2004, p. 324).

Coupland (2004) described age and ageism as ideological concepts. He adopted Butler’s (1969 in Coupland, 2004) definition of ageism as “a complex of material disadvantages and prejudicial attitudes and predispositions of younger people toward older people” (p. 80). Coupland (2004) added that ageism is “a structured, historically formed set of myths or discourses that endorse the subordinance or marginal positions and qualities of the old” (p. 87).  

This literature review led the authors to theorize that whereas gender- and race-related inequalities in communication industries have been addressed extensively (Aldoory & Toth, 2021; Creedon & Cramer, 2007; Edwards, 2012; Elmore, 2009; Pommper, 2007), the issue of ageism remains under-explored in mass communication literatures, in particular in the last 20 years or so. Therefore, this study addressed the following research questions:

RQ1: How does getting older affect career progressions of women in public relations and journalism?

RQ1a: What explicit manifestations of ageism do practitioners experience? 

RQ1b: What implicit manifestations of ageism do practitioners experience?

RQ1c: How does ageism affect women compared to men?

RQ2: To what extent does race influence age-related biases experienced by practitioners?

Method

This study adopted the feminist lens to address the concepts of aging and ageism and followed the phenomenological approach by seeking to understand, describe, and interpret individual experiences of women practitioners with aging and ageism (Creswell, 2007; McHugh, 2014). The feminist understanding that gender is experienced differently by individuals from different cultural groups (Wackwitz & Rakow, 2007) guided the sampling of participants who identify as women of different races with potentially different perceptions of age and aging. The recruitment of participants and interview questions were based on the Bergstrom and Holmes’ (2004) operationalization of age: (1) chronological/legal, (2) functional, (3) psychological, and (4) organizational.

Participants were sought based on their chronological age, which relates to the meanings of aging (i.e., getting older) and ageism (i.e., age discrimination) (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004). At the time of the interviews, the youngest participant was 49 and the oldest was 74. The sample included about equal proportions of women in their early- to mid-50s, late 50s, early- to mid-60s, late 60s and early to mid-70s.

The sample included women from both public relations and journalism because, as documented in the literature, many practitioners begin their careers in journalism and switch to public relations as their careers progress (DeLorne & Fedler, 2003; Elmore, 2009; The American Journalist, 2022). A purposeful, snowballing sampling began from a handful of women one researcher (hereinafter referred to as the older researcher) personally met while she was working in the industry. The sampling procedure revealed that, regardless of their current employment, women maintain close, longstanding connections with other women in both industries. Following their interviews, participants would think of another friend or former colleague who would be interested in sharing her experiences. However, after each researcher conducted nine interviews, they agreed that each of the interviewees had shared her view on aging and ageism and her appreciation for being asked about these phenomena, thus validating the timeliness of the study. According to Creswell (2007), all participants should have experience of the phenomenon in question and, in this case, each interview offered examples of a woman experiencing prejudicial treatment because of her age and/or feeling that her age was problematic for her career. The researchers thus agreed that their sample of 18 had reached saturation. This number is consistent with Hennink & Kaiser (2022) who concluded that studies with relatively homogenous populations and narrowly defined objectives reach saturation within the 9-17 range of interviews. The purpose of this study was to gain insights into the role of age in practitioners’ careers, rather than generalize the obtained data (Creswell, 2007).

All participants live in the Northeast, Southeast and Midwest regions of the United States. The sample included 11 white (60%), 4 Black/African American (22%), 2 Asian American (11%), and one Hispanic/Latina (5%) women. Their names were changed to numbers. At the time of the interviews, 9 women worked in public relations, 4 worked in print/online journalism, and 5 were retired/semi-retired. Seven public relations practitioners began their careers in print or broadcast journalism, whereas at least one journalist began her career in public relations. Five participants own or had owned public relations agencies and at least 3 other participants began their careers in an agency setting. Seven public relations practitioners are working or had worked in-house, for large nonprofit and for-profit organizations. Two practitioners provided independent public relations counsel. Six practitioners are members of the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) and 4 are accredited in public relations (APR). Among trained journalists, including women who are currently working in public relations, 5 worked at newspapers of record in major metropolitan areas, 2 began their careers in radio, and 5 were television journalists or anchors in top 75 Designated Media Markets (DMAs).

The data collection consisted of in-depth interviews conducted in 2021. The semi-structured interview guide encouraged a discussion about women’s entire career spans. Practitioners discussed (1) their functional age in terms of how they felt their employers thought of their job performances (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004); (2) their psychological age relating how their perceptions of selves changed throughout their career spans (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004); and (3) their organizational age focusing on their tenures within different organizations and within different communication industries (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004). The data were transcribed and read through by each researcher separately. Each researcher noted on the margins her suggestions for reducing the data to significant statements. The researchers then compared notes and agreed to aggregate all significant statements identified by both researchers into one table. The statements selected for analysis were not categorized by industry or organizational setting as researchers did not seek to compare industries or types of organizations. Rather, the data were looked at as phenomena (Creswell, 2007) by individual women who reflected on their experiences over the years as journalists or public relations practitioners or, in many cases, both.

Each significant statement was assigned a code (e.g., concerns about appearance as getting older, workplace interaction related to being a woman, caring for a child, caring for a parent, interaction with current/potential employer that questioned age, etc.). Once all the significant statements were coded, each researcher studied the table independently, counted the frequency of identified codes, and identified four broad phenomena into which all the codes could be grouped (i.e., aging, ageism, gender and race). Several themes within each phenomenon were recognized by each of the researchers independently. The researchers compared their notes again and discovered a significant agreement in both the broad phenomena and specific themes. The themes that had emerged within each of these two phenomena were used to (1) write a textual description of what participants experienced; (2) interpret the contexts in which these experiences occurred; and (3) synthesize the common “underlying structure” or “essence” of the phenomena (Creswell, 2007, p. 62). This manuscript includes stories that were narrated by practitioners in an attempt to convey their experiences of aging and ageism in their own words. While participants’ narratives are at heart of this study, the way their stories are told reflects the authors’ own experiences and stances. The authors engaged in the process of reflexivity to account for beliefs that might have affected their interpretation of the concepts of workplace aging and ageism and of the contexts in which these phenomena occur.

In line with the feminist tradition of building a trusting, nonexploitative relationship with participants (Creswell, 2007; McHugh, 2014), the researchers shared their own experiences with workplace aging and ageism. The older researcher, a white woman in her mid-50s, has nearly 20 years of industry experience. During her most recent stint as a public relations practitioner, the older researcher felt that her experiences while in her early 50s differed significantly from her industry experiences while she was in her 30s and early 40s. When comparing notes with other women in their 50s and 60s, including journalists and public relations practitioners, the researcher realized that all of them shared feelings of age-related inequalities in the workplace. While realizing the value of own experience (McHugh, 2014), the older researcher sought to minimize potential biases and invited a younger colleague to co-author this study. The younger researcher is an Asian woman in her mid-30s with more than 10 years of experience in academia. The disclosure of researchers’ own backgrounds ensured that participants felt confident that their narratives would give agency to underrepresented practitioners.

Results

Within each of the two phenomena (i.e., ageism and aging), several themes were observed. Perceptions of ageism clustered into 5 themes: (1.1) ageism in job search and hiring practices, (1.2) ageism in employment status and layoff/forced retirement practices, (1.3) ageism in career progression, (1.4) gender-related ageism, and (1.5) race-related ageism. Perceptions of aging fell into 3 themes: (2.1) caregiving responsibilities, (2.2) physical appearance-related anxieties, and (2.3) benefits of getting older.

Phenomenon 1 Ageism

All participants addressed age-related biases women encounter as they get older in the workplace. Even women who themselves did not experience ageism firsthand mentioned other colleagues who they felt were treated differently because of their age.

 Theme 1.1 Ageism in Job Search and Hiring Practices

Most participants shared their experiences searching for employment throughout their career spans. Six interviewees were in the job market recently, while in their 50s and 60s, as a result of layoffs or pursuit of better opportunities. Interviewee 3, a Black/African American print/online journalist, talked about looking for employment in recent years compared with her job search experiences when she was younger:

While I got some interviews probably based on my name […], I did not get any positions. I was, wow, this is really different. It seemed a lot easier [in the past]. I just kept at it. I talked to some of my older journalist friends and they said, “Oh, I’ve been looking [for a job] for over a year.” (Interviewee 3)

Initially, Interviewee 3 “was optimistic” about finding a mid-level position in a large hospital that had openings for content writers and public relations specialists. Her resume included an early stint in public relations and a long tenure as a reporter. “I had an illusion [that] I could find something that would be at least comparable or maybe a little under what I was making at the newspaper.” Interviewee 3 did not get any job offers and did not receive any feedback following her interviews. She felt that she would have been hired if she were in her 30s. She was told, “‘We are looking for a digital native.’ Well, obviously I’m a digital immigrant.” Eventually, a former editor hired Interviewee 3 at a media nonprofit where she currently produces social media content.  

Public relations practitioners (Interviewees 1, 7, 9, and 11) experienced long between-job periods, failed to get offers after series of successful interviews, and eventually accepted lower-pay or lower-level positions. Interviewee 1, a Black/African American practitioner who spent most of her career in corporate communications, shared that, when she was in her mid-50s, an opportunity came up to join local government. Interviewee 1 contacted the elected official to indicate that she was ready to make this move. “She looked at me in my face and told me I was too old to become the PR director for the county. [The official] needed to surround herself with younger people,” Interviewee 1 recalled.

Interviewee 7, a white woman, reflected about networking and searching for a job while in her mid-50s and again in her late 50s:

I really worked my networks. I did several interviews, and I had a handful of interviews where I would […] go through the second round and be a finalist. And then not get the job. A couple of times I was told that I was overqualified for the position. Why don’t you let me decide whether I think I’d be challenged in that position? It sounds like a really good job and I’m available. I could start tomorrow and why wouldn’t you want somebody with a lot of experience who could just hit the ground running? (Interviewee 7)

As she was running out of money, Interviewee 7 moved to a different state to assume a director-level position in media relations for a large hospital, which she enjoyed for a couple of years. However, she had to leave that job and return to her hometown to care for her father who developed Alzheimer’s. Interviewee 7 returned to the job market. One time, after a successful interview as a finalist, she was told an internal candidate was hired but found out through connections that an external candidate who was 35 was hired instead. After several rounds of interviews at another organization, which she felt went extremely well, she called the HR manager and was told that they did not think she was going to stay because she could make more money elsewhere. Interviewee 7 reflected:

I’m 59 at that point. And they were all in their 20s and 30s. And they thought I would be bored in the job. […] Is it the assumption they make or is it a poor excuse […] for something else? Could it be that they don’t want to have somebody that has 40 years of experience in their group? […] Maybe, I looked like your mom or something, I don’t know. […] ‘Oh, we don’t think that this job is going to be challenging enough for you.’ It’s all code. It’s all called ageism. (Interviewee 7)

Two years into another position with a nonprofit organization, Interviewee 7 was laid off via Zoom because of the COVID-19 pandemic-related budget cuts. In her early 60s at the time, she went through what she described as “the worst job search.” “I do believe it’s because of my age. I went to every webinar and read everything that I could about how to answer those age-bias questions,” said Interviewee 7. Currently, she is happily employed in a new position and feels respected by her colleagues. She added, “I am never looking for another PR job. If I lose this job, I’m going to work at Trader Joe’s or someplace because I am not putting myself through this wringer again. Never.”

Another white woman, Interviewee 9, shared a somewhat similar experience. After switching from television news to public relations around 2000, she built a successful career in corporate public relations. While in her early 50s, she accepted a VP position at a large nonprofit organization. However, after executing a successful media campaign, for which she was praised by peers, Interviewee 9 came down with the flu. She was fired by her boss when she was on sick leave. In her mid-50s at the time, she could not find another job for a long time:

I tried so hard. I applied to I can’t tell you how many places. […] I had some job interviews, including [one where] I was told I was the person they were interviewing to justify hiring the person that they already had in mind. “We’re really not considering you.” We just had to have a quota on paper. I thought it was really bold that you would say that to someone. (Interviewee 9). 

Eventually, Interviewee 9 had to accept a lower-level position at another nonprofit organization. However, 3 years later, the organization went through budget cuts and she was laid off. Although her next job search was shorter than before, she was told at the interview for her current position that the job might not be challenging enough for her. She felt she got the job because she personally knew her supervisor, VP of public relations. “Even here, it was like, ‘We don’t know if we can afford you,’ and I was like, ‘Well, let’s talk money and then I’ll tell you whether you can afford me or not.’,” Interviewee 9 said.

Interviewee 11, who is in her late 50s, has been trying to pursue other opportunities because she feels underpaid and undervalued in her current position at a large nonprofit organization. With experience in both radio journalism and public relations, Interviewee 11 thought she would find more rewarding employment. While many of her phone interviews went well, she was not able to secure an offer after in-person interviews:

I’m told over the phone, “You know, you’re one of our top two candidates.” I go there in person, and they realize I’m not 25 or 30 […]. And there’s nothing other than that that’s different. All the face-to-face interviews are the same […] and […] the resume is the same, but then I find out later that […] someone […] who’s 26 or 27 years old got the job. You can’t prove that […] but you feel it. Certainly, it seems that way. (Interviewee 11)

Some participants thought they didn’t experience ageism toward themselves because they were either public relations firm owners (Interviewees 2 and 4) or independent consultants (Interviewee 6) and were not in the job market recently. However, all three reported seeing other women of their age being unable to find a job. “If you are older, they judge you. […] If you are over a certain age, [they think] you’re too expensive and you don’t know the current technology,” said Interviewee 6.   

Theme 1.2 Ageism in Employment Status and Layoff/Forced Retirement Practices

A handful of media and public relations professionals experienced layoffs, demotions and buyouts when they were in their mid-50s or early 60s. Interviewees 3, 10 and 16, all of whom spent most of their careers with large metropolitan newspapers of record, were offered a single payment to retire early by new ownership of their respective media outlets. While recognizing the newspaper industry decline, participants indicated that their age had much to do with the buyout offers. Interviewee 16 commented on management’s decisions in her newspaper, “They were trying to lower their costs and reduce the number of veteran employees.” Neither of these journalists were ready for retirement or could afford to retire at the time. They had to look for new jobs. Even though the 3 participants were well-known in their local media and public relations circles, they admitted that the job searches took longer than anticipated. “I needed to find a job because the buyout money lasted 18 months […]. I didn’t think finding a new job would be super easy, but I kind of thought it would be easier that it was,” said Interviewee 3, a Black/African American journalist. “At first, I assumed I was going to stay in newspapers, but I ran up against a very bad job market […]. I kept coming in second,” shared Interviewee 14, a white woman who retired after unsuccessful attempts of finding a position in public affairs.

Women who worked in television shared their career-halting experiences as well. Interviewee 5, a successful nightly newscast anchor at a network-affiliated television station in a top 50 DMA, was told her contract would not be renewed when she was is her early 60s. Interviewee 5 shared, “You see the handwriting on the wall. […] I was getting older, and I knew that that was part of the deal, even though it was never said because they knew they couldn’t say that.”Before telling Interviewee 5 that her contract would not be renewed, her TV station management hired a replacement:

This is how crafty they were. About six months before they took me off the air, they hired another Black woman who everybody thought looked a lot like me. And they had her doing weekends because, once they took me off the air, they wanted to be able to say, “But look, we’ve got [first name] 2.0 right here.” (Interviewee 5)

Interviewee 5 was offered a community relations position at the same TV station:

I was encouraged out the anchor desk because they wanted a younger woman in the spot. […] They tried to make it not an obvious thing; they didn’t want it to be about age or race. […] Unfortunately for me, I didn’t have a plan B […] and I needed a job. (Interviewee 5)

Even though Interviewee 5 is enjoying her new position, she misses working in the newsroom. Interviewee 5 feels her performance was improving as she was getting older:

I feel that if I had been allowed to stay on the air, I would have been stronger now, because I was good at what I did, and […] I’m better now at seeing where the truth is, where the facts are […], and how this story can help, educate, and inspire [our viewers]. I just think that I could add so much more. (Interviewee 5).

Interviewees 7 and 9 shared how they were laid off from corporate public relations positions, largely attributing these experiences to their age. Interviewee 7 was in her late 20s when she was laid off from her first job as a TV reporter, and it did not take long for her to find a better paid position in public relations. After spending almost two decades in government, agency and nonprofit public relations and obtaining two master’s degrees, Interviewee 7 was laid off because of budget cuts. This time, she was in her mid-50s, and it was much harder to find another job:

They dumped older women in the whole budget-cut process. […] Most of us were like in our 50s. But you know they don’t do it enough to cross the line. It’s definitely something that you’ve experienced, and you’ve seen, but it’s not enough to say, “Oh […] let’s do a class action.” [T]hey go up to the [discrimination] line enough but don’t cross it. (Interviewee 7)

Theme 1.3 Ageism in Career Progression

Participants reported a lack of professional development and promotion opportunities for older employees. Interviewee 11 feels that her employer, a large nonprofit organization, discourages employees from seeking leadership roles when professionals “reach what they consider a certain plateau.” She added:

There is virtually no opportunity for growth, and […] attempts I’ve made have been resoundingly discouraged. […] I hate to say that my age is a factor, but I do believe it is, I believe that strongly. […] “Oh, you know let’s give the younger staff a chance, let’s encourage the younger staff who might want to be a leader.” […] Just because you’re of a certain age doesn’t mean you don’t want to advance or become a leader. […] (Interviewee 11)

            Interviewees 3, 5, 6, 8 and 15 talked about certain assumptions employers and coworkers make about older women’s ability to use modern technology. Some participants felt that older professionals have to constantly prove their sharpness and technical skills. Interviewee 15, who worked as a journalist, a public relations executive and an independent consultant, said, “I think a lot of people think older people are not so with-it all the time.” She added, “I think that’s always a challenge to let people know that you’re with-it and you are […] just as able to do things as someone who is younger.” Another public relations practitioner, who is in her late 50s, often gets asked by younger colleagues if she would be retiring soon. Other women echoed.

1.4 Gender-Related Ageism

Participants talked about being paid less throughout their careers compared with their male counterparts (Interviewees 4, 7, 9, 11, 13, 17). Other participants discussed male privilege and instances of sexism (Interviewees 2, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14). Interviewees felt that gender-based inequalities worsen as women age (Interviewees 4, 5, 7, 11, 14).

Interviewee 5, who was pushed from her position as a television news anchor, reflected about her male colleagues:

I knew that my co-anchors who were men could be on the air until their teeth fell out. […] If the ratings are there and they are doing what they are getting paid to do, men get the gold watch and the big party when they retire from being anchors. All my co-anchors will be allowed to retire [in their 70s]. (Interviewee 5)

Interviewee 5 feels she would have maintained high ratings if she were allowed to anchor until her retirement: “There’s an expiration date for a woman. […] When you stop looking like Miss [State], that’s when they’re going to run the clock on you.” Interviewee 7, who works in public relations echoed: “I have more energy than most of my younger counterparts […]. The older women are just […] invisible. We’re discounted by society, and nobody thinks that we have anything left to offer.”

Theme 1.5 Race-Related Ageism

Black/African American and Asian American women (Interviewees 1, 2, 3, 5, 17 and 18) addressed the role of race in their careers in television news, print/online journalism, and public relations. While women of color felt that, throughout their career spans, they experienced racism to a larger degree than sexism and ageism, some shared experiences of ageism (Interviewees 1, 3, and 5). Interviewee 3, a journalist whose personal experience with ageism was described earlier, felt it is harder for older Black/African American women to find employment than it is for their white counterparts. Many of her friends, other Black/African American women, had to leave the newspaper industry because of downsizing and are currently underemployed whereas many of her former colleagues who are white hold senior-level positions in public relations.

Interviewee 1 argued that ageism affects Black/African American public relations practitioners more than their white counterparts because most of them hold lower-level positions. As Black/African American women get older, the likelihood of them being promoted diminishes. Therefore, the senior executive circles are even less diverse than the entry- and mid-level circles in organizations. “In this city of about 180,000, there are no other communication professionals […] at the director level, who are Black women of my age. I’m the only one,” she added.

While Interviewee 5’s experience with ageism has already been described earlier, her comments connecting ageism with race are also noteworthy. Interviewee 5 felt that she was offered a community relations position at her television station because she is Black/African American. She thought management was less concerned about a popular female news anchor accusing her employer of ageism and more concerned about a Black news anchor accusing the television station of racism. Shortly before terminating Interviewee 5’s contract as a news anchor, management ensured that another Black woman be hired to do news on the air. “As soon as I saw her, I thought, […] I know exactly what you’re doing. They did not want it to be about race.”

Interviewee 2, a Black/African American woman who is now 75 but still runs her public relations firm, reflected: “But ageism is real, because they are pushing women out.” She shared examples of women both in the agency and in-house settings being forced to retire. “I see it for my white female friends more than I see it for other racial groups,” she added. For her part, Interviewee 2 fights society’s negative perceptions of older women by keeping the same schedule for the last 25 years.

During their careers in print journalism, both Asian American women (Interviewees 17 and 18) witnessed at least two waves of buyouts in their respective newspapers. Nevertheless, neither of them was laid off or had to retire early. Interviewee 17 thought that she wasn’t laid off because at the time she was in her 40s. As she was turning 50, Interviewee 17 felt she would be more prone to layoffs; however, she was not sure whether her race would be a factor. Interviewee 18, on the other hand, shared that some of her colleagues may have felt she was spared because of her race. “[During] almost every layoff, [I would hear], ‘Oh, you should be safe, you know they need people like you,’ because I’m the only Asian,” Interviewee 18 said.

Phenomenon 2 Aging

Theme 2.1 Caregiving Responsibilities 

Many interviewees shared their experiences of being caregivers both early and later in their careers. When they were younger, women had to balance their jobs as journalists and public relations practitioners with caregiving responsibilities for their children. Being a mother affected career choices and prompted industry switch for some. As a single mother in the mid-1990s, Interviewee 9 made several career decisions based on childcare availability, among other things. Later in life, while in her 50s, Interviewee 9 had to quit her job to care for her elderly father. Similarly, Interviewees 2, 3 and 7 had to make career adjustments to serve as caregivers to their parents whereas Interviewee 6 gave up her consulting work to provide care to her husband.

In her early 50s, Interviewee 2 left her job to return to her hometown and care for her parents both of whom were diagnosed with Alzheimer’s Disease: “I share that […] because [caregiving] really impacted my life.” After a prolonged and difficult job search while in her mid-50s, Interviewee 7 accepted a position at a large organization in a different state. Although the new position was rewarding, she left after a short time:

My parents were in their 90s [..]. My dad had Alzheimer’s and my mom was trying to take care of him. [….] I was going back and forth, and I just thought I can’t do this. […] So, I quit my job, which was hard because it’s a great place, I was making a lot of money there, and it was much cheaper to live there. (Interviewee 7)

Interviewee 3, a journalist in her mid-60s, is currently caring for her mother who lives with her. However, Interviewee 3 prefers to keep this fact from her current employer—a nonprofit journalism network:

It is a part-time remote job, which is perfect. If [the organization] had asked me to be in an office eight hours a day, that would not have worked out. All the women I see, Black and sometimes white, have caregiving responsibilities. […] I don’t think it is written much about what’s happening to people [….] We are moving or downsizing our careers to take care of our parents. […] It’s a big sacrifice. […] I don’t disclose about being a caregiver because people would say, “That’s all she is really doing.” (Interviewee 3).

Theme 2.2 Physical Appearance-Related Anxieties

Almost all participants noted the importance of looks in their careers—not only in television, but also in print journalism and public relations. Interviewees 5, 7, 9, and 14 who all began their careers in television, discussed the role their appearances played in securing and holding on-the-air jobs. Even participants who spent their entire careers either in public relations (Interviewees 1 and 8) or in print/online journalism (Interviewee 18) reflected on how a woman’s physical appearance at a certain age may negatively impact her career progression. After 10 years in television news, Interviewees 7 and 9 pursued careers in public relations. Both women reported that their worries about how they looked affected their decisions, among other things. Interviewees 5 and 14, who spent their careers as primetime nightly news anchors at network TV stations in their respective DMAs, talked about suggestions they used to receive from consultants hired to help on-the-air talent “become better at their jobs.” After she turned 40, Interviewee 5 was advised to consider using Botox. “Are they offering this to men, too?,” she wondered. Interviewee 14 mirrored:

Sometimes, when I felt perfectly fine and thought I looked smashing, a consultant would tell me, “Tan your skin, cut your hair, wear this makeup, and put on false eyelashes. [We’ve got] negative feedback from the public about your reporting.” This can result in awkward and tough conversations with your bosses and management. (Interviewee 14)

Even though Interviewees 5 and 14 were at the height of their anchoring careers, they both left their positions before they reached the age of 60. As she approached her contract renewal term, Interviewee 14, who is a white woman, announced her retirement. She didn’t elaborate on whether her decision had anything to with her age, though. Around the same age, Interviewee 5, a Black/African American woman, was told her contract would not be renewed but was offered another position at the same station. She felt her contract termination had much to do with both her age and her looks.  

Women working in corporate public relations also shared concerns related to their physical appearances and talked about hiding their age. Interviewee 7, who is white in her mid-60s, reflected: “When men get wrinkles and gray hair, they are distinguished.” She added that she regularly gets blond highlights and tries to stay in shape. Interviewee 8, who is a Hispanic/Latina practitioner in her mid-50s, shared that the fear of getting older keeps her awake at night. She is thinking about getting Botox to “remain marketable” and frequently having conversations about aging with other colleagues. Interviewee 1, a Black/African American public relations practitioner in her early 60s, said:

As long as you’re in your job, you need to keep dying your hair. They tell you, “You need to dye your hair.” They don’t tell nurses that. Why do they make women feel like we’re already too old to be in this industry? The organization wants to be represented by a younger white face or whatever. You know what, I’m done with this ageism. (Interviewee 1)

Some Black/African American and Asian American participants suggested that women of their races often look younger than their actual age. Interviewee 18, who is a journalist, shared, “I know that appearance is important. I’m Asian [and] look younger, no one could ever guess I am 55. So, I don’t feel like I am treated differently because I look probably 10 years younger.” She added: “If you’re a woman and you let your hair go gray and gain weight, […] I don’t think that’s acceptable in corporate America. I think it’s less of ageism than lookism for women, and I think older women have been [treated] very hard in America.” 

Some participants considered implementing techniques of hiding age in resumes. “There’s a whole cottage industry of experts that can tell you what keywords to avoid […] on your resume,” said Interviewee 8. Interviewee 12 mentioned she tailored her resume hiding some of her experience because she believes age was an issue for her to find a job. She said, “Resume is such a delicate act. Do you put […] relevant experience? How far do you go back so you make it sound like you’re an expert in something, but not too old that you can’t adapt to new tricks?”

Theme 2.3 Benefits of Getting Older

Many interviewees mentioned some positive outcomes of aging such as self-perceived wisdom, ability to capitalize on lessons learned in the past, increased confidence, and a growing passion for mentoring. A former TV anchor, described her newsroom interactions, “I get incredible respect. […] Maybe, respect is too strong a word but somewhere between respect and tolerance. […] They understand I’m 112 though I still look really good. So, these are the benefits of being older.” Interviewee 7, a public relations practitioner, said, “The funny thing is that I am the old lady, and [younger colleagues] look at me now with some reverence. […] They are appreciative of the experiences I’ve had.” Another public relations practitioner, Interviewee 8, described how she feels in her 50s, “Oh my gosh, my experience, my self-confidence. And finally feeling like you’re in the right place. […] I just feel really comfortable in my own skin.”

Some public relations executives reported that getting older made them more comfortable to command higher salaries or billing rates. “As I got older, it got easier to be a boss. They treat you with more respect,” said Interviewee 6 who held several senior-level public relations positions in large organizations. Interviewee 4, who owns a firm specializing in crisis communications, noted that corporate clients prefer more experienced practitioners. “In crisis work, being older was not a hindrance. […] People value the gray hair, if you will, because you got all the years of experience there,” said Interviewee 4. Interviewee 2, a Black/African American owner of a public relations firm, reported that that as she was getting older, she became more successful in getting new business. She also became more proactive in hiring Black/African Americans. “I don’t need to partner with white firms anymore. I can hire young people who look like me and mentor them,” Interviewee 2 said. Interviewee 18, an Asian American journalist, thought that, as women of color were getting older, they were more likely to be accepted for their expertise:

[N]o one thinks of me as an affirmative action or diverse hire anymore, […] whereas early in your career, you always had to prove yourself. I think that goes with all races and genders early in your career, you have to work really hard to prove yourself. [But] more so for people of color because you’re proving you aren’t just a window-dressing diversity hire. (Interviewee 18)

Discussion and Conclusion

This study sought to explore how aging affects professional lives of women in public relations and journalism (RQ1) by asking participants to share manifestations of workplace ageism (RQ1a, RQ1b), as well as perceptions of gender-related (RQ1c) and race-related (RQ2) ageism. With the exception of public relations firm owners and independent consultants, all women either reported instances of ageism or expressed fear of ageism and provided examples of implicit age-related biases labeling them as ageism. Some women experienced explicit age-related biases noting that those instances would likely meet the legal definition of age discrimination; however, none of women took any legal action.

Consistent with the literature (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004; Coupland, 2004; Marcus, 2021, September 21), the most rampant instances of ageism occurred during job searches. The interviews provided evidence that the hiring practices appear to favor younger applicants over qualified older women. Women in their 50s and 60s, regardless of their industry or race, are finding it harder to secure new positions. One third of participants (3 journalists and 3 public relations practitioners, 1 Black/African American and 5 white women) were looking for employment in the last 2-3 years and reported the types of obstacles they had never experienced in job searches when they were younger. Older journalists who pursued public relations positions, which required writing and editing skills, were unable to secure employment. While some public relations practitioners eventually found employment in the field, at least one was continuing her job search at the time of the interview. All 6 reported applying for numerous positions, eventually getting job interviews, reaching the final rounds of the interviewing process, and then not getting job offers. Women heard from the hiring managers that the organization would not be able to meet their salary demands even though none of them was asked what their salary expectations would be. Women were told that they were “overqualified” for the job or that the job would not be “challenging” enough for them. Consistent with the literature (Marcus, 2021, September 21; Pasquarelli, 2018, November 19), potential employers indicated that they were looking for “digital natives,” thus excluding these women from consideration because of their age. Some participants accepted lower paying jobs. Participants who were not in the job market in recent years reported seeing other women of their age being unable to find a job.

The data also offer evidence of ageism in women’s employment status. Consistent with the trade literature (Marcus, 2021, September 21; Pathak, 2016, August 1), older women, regardless of their industry and race, appear more vulnerable to losing their jobs or being forced to retire during budget cuts in their organizations. Among the 5 journalists (1 Black/African American, 2 Asian Americans and 2 white women) who experienced so-called buyouts in their news outlets, only two retained their positions. Both of those women are Asian American who were in their late 40s or early 50s when their respective news outlets were cutting positions. The women journalists who had to accept a buyout were in their mid- to late 50s at the time. Two public relations practitioners, both white women, were laid off when their organizations underwent budget cuts. One of them was laid off twice, once when in her late 50s and once in her early 60s. At least in one of those cases, even though the alleged reason was the elimination of the position due to budget cuts, a younger person was hired for the same position within two months.

Finally, the data indicate that older women experience biases in their career progressions. Echoing the literature (Bergstrom & Holmes, 2004; Coupland, 2004; Global Women in PR, February 9, 2023), participants believed that they were expected by their superiors to continuously prove themselves and that their job performance was often questioned because of their age. As they were getting older, women felt the pressure to demonstrate their abilities to learn and retain new things. Participants felt they were denied opportunities for training and advancement because of their age.

This study also revealed intersectionality of age-related biases and provided evidence of gendered ageism (Brancu, 2023, January 21; Barnes, 2020, September 28; Calasanti & King, 2015; Global Women in PR, February 9, 2023). Regardless of their industry or race, women shared that they were paid less or had fewer promotion opportunities than men in similar positions. While some interviewees thought that gender discrimination became less frequent in the 2000s, they described the pressure on women communicators to hide their age and strive for youthful appearance. Women did not think older men were held to the same standards. Interviewees felt that older men are venerated in the workplace and allowed to work until retirement, whereas older women become “invisible” and eventually reach their “expiration date.” The data not only support the double standard in television journalism (Bock et al., 2018; Finneman & Jenkins, 2018), but also demonstrate that gender-based inequalities worsen as women age in print journalism and public relations as well.

When comparing the experiences of ageism between women of different races, the data indicate that racism may become less pronounced than sexism as women get older. Women of color felt that, throughout their career spans, they encountered racism to a larger degree than sexism. As they were getting older, however, some women of color reported experiencing more age-related biases. They felt these biases were directed at women regardless of their race. Participants believed that, if organizations were laying off several older women because of budget cuts, organizations did not seem to worry about race as much. In other words, it appears that older non-white women may experience more age-related biases than race-related biases in the workplace. At the same time, the data point to some race-related nuances of ageism echoing the literature on intersectionality (Collins et al., 2017; Wilson & Roscigno, 2018). Some Black/African American and Asian American participants thought women of their races tend to look younger and may not encounter ageism until their late 60s whereas white women face age discrimination in their 50s. On the other hand, a public relations practitioner believed that older Black/African American women may be more prone to age discrimination because they tend to hold lower-level positions compared to white women of similar age. Another participant also felt that, if an older Asian American woman would be spared a layoff, it would be attributed by colleagues to her race rather than gender. A Black/African American journalist whose contract was not extended because of her age believed management was more careful because of her race than it would have been with a white woman in a similar position.  

In addition to ageism, this study explored the phenomenon of aging in the workplace. When women described life events that occurred in their 50s and 60s, they were anxious that these events might trigger age-related biases. Consistent with the literature (Grunig et al., 2001; Elmore, 2009; Global Women in PR, February 9, 2023), being a mother affected career choices and prompted an industry switch for some women. The study also found that caregiving for parents affects the careers of older women as well, including decisions to quit, move to a different area, and reduce work hours. When participants attempted to reenter the workforce following setbacks caused by their caregiving duties, they experienced age discrimination during the job search and had to accept lower-paying jobs. Other women chose to hide their caregiving roles from employers fearing the assumption that caring for a loved one diminishes one’s job performance.       

The data show that changes in physical appearance that occur as women get older worry participants who work not only in television, but also in print journalism and public relations. Consistent with the literature on society’s pressure on women (Smirnova, 2012), participants talked about disguising their age both in appearance and on paper in an attempt to find new employment. Women thought that, if their looks showed their actual age, their careers would be impacted negatively. The underlining cause of concern seemed to be fear of age discrimination and inability to advance one’s career at the age of 50 and above. Nonetheless, interviewees mentioned some positive outcomes of aging as well. Participants described increased confidence, and a growing passion for mentoring others. Many women underscored the value of knowledge and skills that come only with years of experience in the industry. Women felt their productivity and expertise did not diminish with age, despite the prejudices against older women some employers or potential employers may have.

This exploratory inquiry into aging in the workplace was inspired by one of the authors’ own experience in the public relations profession. Its findings are consistent with the trade literature that addressed the ubiquity of ageism in agency settings (Daniels, 2020, October 23; Global Women in PR, February 9, 2023). The data extend the scope beyond the agency setting, addressing ageism in other organizational settings, including for-profit corporations, nonprofit organizations and media outlets of various sizes. This study also provides extensive evidence of gendered ageism in journalism and public relations, which has previously been addressed mainly in relation to television journalism (Bock et al., 2018). Moreover, the data point to gender-race-age intersectionality and suggest that ageism may have greater impact on older women of color than racism.

Industry Implications and Recommendations for Practitioners

This study not only contributes to filling the gap in mass communication literatures by addressing the phenomena of aging and ageism, but also gives voice to older practitioners and advocates for improved professional standing of women of all races and ethnicities. While the application of double standards on older women is said to be a societal issue (Barnes, 2020, September 28; Marcus, 2021, September 2021), gendered ageism appears rampant in the journalism and public relations industries (Daniels, 2020; Global Women in PR, February 9, 2023; Marcus, 2021, September 20; The American Journalist, 2022) and, therefore, needs to take the centerstage in these industries’ DEI initiatives. Public relations agencies and media organizations could strengthen their commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion (Institute for Public Relations, November 2021) by revising their DEI policies to include protections for all aging practitioners and, in particular, women. In addition, women working in both industries and in various organizational settings should be offered more leadership opportunities as companies with senior women leaders enjoy improved organizational culture and gender equity (Brancu, 2023, January 31; Meng & Neill, 2021, May 20). Professional associations such as PRSA could proactively address gendered ageism through various public platforms and help communication practitioners who work both in agency and in-house by developing educational programs on ageism for organizational leadership and advocating on behalf of women practitioners with employers nationwide.

As many older women working in various industries, some participants may have felt that they could not challenge gendered ageism on their own (Barnes, 2020, September 28) or that acknowledging it would be perceived as a sign of weakness. Nevertheless, all of them indicated that they have experienced age-related inequalities directly or indirectly and expressed hope that this study would bring together a larger community of older women practitioners who would support one another (Barnes, 2020, September 28) and advocate for workplace equity at the grassroots level.

Limitations and Future Research

This study’s contribution to the public relations research and practice notwithstanding, it is important to mention some limitations. Having described the individual perspectives of 18 practitioners, the researchers attempted to make connections between these women’s lived experiences and interpret how they apply to collective experiences of older women working in journalism and public relations (Rakow & Wackwitz, 2004). While these women’s stories offer overwhelming evidence of ageism, one can argue there are many more voices of women practitioners that need to be heard (Rakow & Wackwitz, 2004). In addition, these women’s narratives combine experiences that occurred in two or more industries and in various organizational settings, thus complicating the articulation of results and the construction of a framework for structural change in public relations industry alone (Rakow & Wackwitz, 2004). Finally, the interpretation of interview data was significantly affected by the researchers’ own experiences, understanding of gender, and assumptions about the need for social change regarding the status of older women practitioners (Creswell, 2007; McHugh, 2014; Rakow & Wackwitz, 2004). Therefore, future research could investigate the extent to which these experiences are shared by other practitioners in the public relations industry alone, both in agency and in-house organizational settings. Future studies could also examine further the issue of gender-race-age intersectionality and whether ageism may impact older women of color to a greater degree than racism. Finally, research studies could look at whether organizational leadership feels equipped with strategies and tools to address gendered ageism.

Olga Zatepilina-Monacell Department of Communication Studies, Ashland University, Ashland, OH, USA omonacel@ashland.edu 

Jiangxue (Ashley) Han Department of Communication, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC, USA hanj2@appstate.edu